A meta-analysis of 52 studies found that narcissism was positively related to

Vulnerable narcissism1 and pathological narcissism2 are generally believed to be risk factors of depression (Dawood & Pincus, 2018; Erkoreka & Navarro, 2017). However, the association between grandiose narcissism3 and depression produces inconsistent findings. Among normal adults, some studies found that grandiose narcissism was negatively associated with depression (Lyons, Evans, & Helle, 2019; Papageorgiou et al., 2019; Sedikides, Rudich, Gregg, Kumashiro, & Rusbult, 2004; Zondag, Van Halen, & Wojtkowiak, 2009), whereas other studies reported positive or non-significant associations (Brailovskaia et al., 2019; Brailovskaia & Margraf, 2019; Gentile et al., 2013; Miller et al., 2011), even mostly with the same measures. These findings suggest that treating grandiose narcissism as a unitary construct leads to mixed results. Therefore, studies examining grandiose narcissism–depression associations should consider the different facets of grandiose narcissism separately (Konrath & Bonadonna, 2014).

The Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept (NARC) model differentiates two forms of narcissism: narcissistic admiration and narcissistic rivalry (Back et al., 2013). These two dimensions are positively related, but they are not interchangeable because of their different motivational processes. Narcissistic admiration is based on an assertive self-enhancement (self-promotion) strategy, characterized by striving for uniqueness, grandiose fantasies, and charmingness. In contrast, narcissistic rivalry is based on an antagonistic self-protection (self-defence) strategy, characterized by striving for supremacy, devaluation of others, and aggressiveness. Although both dimensions serve the common goal of maintaining a grandiose self, such as entitlement and striving for social status (Grosz, Leckelt, & Back, 2019), they are linked to divergent social outcomes.

Narcissistic admiration is usually related to positive outcomes in the short term, while narcissistic rivalry tends to be associated with maladaptive outcomes (Back et al., 2013). These patterns might also be found in the depression context. First, from the motivational perspective, self-enhancement is thought to maintain or promote self-views (Alicke, Zell, & Guenther, 2013), and predicts social potency, which comes along with ego boosts. These positive outcomes bring regulatory fit between desired grandiose self and actual perceived self. This fit is usually accompanied by positive affect (Helfrich & Dietl, 2019). As such, narcissistic admiration might protect against depression. Self-protection focuses on avoiding negative self-regard (Hepper, Gramzow, & Sedikides, 2010) and predicts antagonistic conflicts, which come along with ego threats. These negative outcomes elicit regulatory misfit between desired grandiose self and actual perceived self. This misfit is always followed by negative emotions (Helfrich & Dietl, 2019). As such, narcissistic rivalry might be closely related to depression. Second, concerning real-life gains, individuals with high narcissistic admiration tend to receive positive feedbacks during their social interactions, such as short-term mating success (Grosz, Dufner, Back, & Denissen, 2015) and status attainment (Grosz et al., 2019). These rewards are beneficial for their personal adjustment (e.g., low levels of depressive symptoms; Dufner, Gebauer, Sedikides, & Denissen, 2019). Contrastingly, individuals with high narcissistic rivalry tend to receive negative feedbacks during their social interactions, such as difficulties in maintaining a long-term relationship (Wurst et al., 2017) and interpersonal rejection (Back et al., 2013). Lack of social connection and poor relationship quality puts people at risk for mental health problems (Holt-Lunstad, Robles, & Sbarra, 2017). Based on the above arguments, we put forward the first hypothesis:

Perceived social support is the subjective belief or experience that people will receive help from their social networks when they need it (House, Landis, & Umberson, 1988). Previous research has demonstrated that perceived social support is a protective mediator in the depression pathway (e.g., Kim & Suh, 2019). Therefore, we speculated that perceived social support might be an important mediator in the relationship between narcissism and depression.

First, theoretical and empirical evidence has demonstrated that perceived social support could mediate the personality–depression link (Finch & Graziano, 2001; Xia, Ding, Hollon, & Wan, 2013); that is, personality traits could influence the level of perceived social support, which in turn is linked to depression. This social network mediating model might also explain the narcissism–depression association. Second, behind different motivations, narcissism admiration tends to bring positive interpersonal relationships, which could accumulate social resources and enrich people's social networks (Back et al., 2013). Therefore, persons high in narcissism admiration might perceive more social support in benign interactions. In contrast, under the antagonistic self-protection strategy, narcissistic rivalry anticipates more rejections from others and experiences more dysfunctional interpersonal relationships (Grove, Smith, Girard, & Wright, 2019). Accordingly, individuals with high narcissistic rivalry perceived less social support. Moreover, one research indicates that narcissistic admiration is positively related to perceived social support, while narcissistic rivalry is negatively correlated with perceived social support (Grove et al., 2019). Third, the main effect model of social support suggests that social support provides mental health benefits, such as reducing depression (Lakey & Orehek, 2011). This model has been well supported by a large body of empirical research, from cross-sectional studies to meta-analytic reviews (e.g., Gnilka, Broda, & Group, 2019; Rueger, Malecki, Pyun, Aycock, & Coyle, 2016). Based on the above arguments, we put forward the second hypothesis:

Life satisfaction is a cognitive appraisal of one's quality of life (Larsen, Diener, & Emmons, 1985). Satici, Uysal, Yilmaz, and Deniz (2016) have proposed a mediating model of life satisfaction in which life satisfaction is a cognitive mediator that decreases psychological vulnerability (e.g., depression). Therefore, life satisfaction might explain the narcissism–depression pathway, too. It is obvious that higher life satisfaction is linked to lower depressive symptoms (e.g., Moksnes, Løhre, Lillefjell, Byrne, & Haugan, 2016; Wang & Peng, 2017). However, the relationship between narcissism and life satisfaction is not consistent (Żemojtel-Piotrowska, Clinton, & Piotrowski, 2014), implying that narcissism is either beneficial or costly for life satisfaction (Żemojtel Piotrowska, Piotrowski, & Maltby, 2017).

Narcissistic admiration is an agentic facet of narcissism, which makes narcissistic individuals perceive their happiness in a positive cognitive style (Sedikides et al., 2004). Their positive social interactions may also render them more likely to evaluate their life satisfactorily. By contrast, narcissistic rivalry is antagonistic and relates to more intrapersonal and interpersonal maladjustment (e.g., negative cognitive style; Back et al., 2013). Due to this maladaptation, narcissistic individuals could be more dissatisfied with their lives. Further, one study has demonstrated these divergent relationships between the two facets of narcissism and life satisfaction (Altmann, 2017). Based on the above arguments, we put forward the third hypothesis:

According to the main effect model of social support, social support is beneficial for mental health, eliciting an increased sense of well-being (Cohen, 2004). Empirical research has demonstrated that people who perceive more social support report higher life satisfaction (Zhu, Woo, Porter, & Brzezinski, 2013). Moreover, evidence from a meta-analysis has also confirmed this significantly positive correlation between perceived social support and life satisfaction (Song & Fan, 2013). Taken together, these findings provide clear evidence for this link. Therefore, we put forward the fourth hypothesis:

To date, there has been a lack of research exploring the potential mechanisms underlying the narcissism–depression pathway, especially differentiating the two facets of grandiose narcissism. The present study aimed to address these issues with three purposes: (1) to replicate and extend previous research concerning the narcissism–depression association, particularly by focusing on narcissistic admiration and rivalry based on the NARC model; (2) to examine the parallel mediating roles of perceived social support and life satisfaction to further explore the underlying mechanisms; and (3) to test the sequential mediating effects of the two mediators to clarify the agencies. Overall, this study would establish an integrated mediating model that enables us to gain a more nuanced comprehension of the narcissism–depression pathway and to distinguish the positive and negative facets of narcissism regarding the NARC model.